Tom,
The data described in the 1996 GAO report (Table 1) are taken from the same
study that the Child Abuse & Neglect piece considered. That is, the
associations between sexual abuse and the three outcomes ("any sex crime,"
"prostitution," and "rape and sodomy") are based on the same 153 sexually
abused subjects and 667 controls (the Ns for the physical abuse and neglect
groups appear to be different across the two reports). As I understand it,
the difference in the pattern of association reflects the fact that arrest
histories were collected over a longer period (through 1994) for the GAO
data. Shifts in the distribution of offenders within maltreated groups
have occurred due to the new data resulting in movement of coefficients in
and out of conventional significance (by how much we don't know since
standard errors are not reported in the GAO piece). Consequently, the
finding from the 1994 CAN piece remains valid for the period of the life
course over which arrest histories were collected. The point, however, is
not to argue that there is or is not an effect of sexual abuse on adult
sexual offending but rather to emphasize that our findings are currently
quite tentative and do not yield definitive conclusions.
Widom's claims in the GAO report, it seems, are intended to debunk the
"cycle of sexual abuse" assumptions that (1) a large percentage of those
who have a history of sexual abuse will become adult sexual offenders, and
(2) the etiology of adult sexual offending is based exclusively or
principally on sexual abuse history. One can successfully challenge these
assumptions and still maintain the view that sexual abuse leads to an
increased risk of sexual offending in adulthood. Without sufficient
evidence, it would be premature to label this hypothesis "folklore."
Chris Browning
At 09:40 AM 3/3/99 +0000, you wrote:
>Chris
>This is interesting. Later (1996), Cathy Widom provided data to the
>Government Accounting Office for its report on the cycle of sexual abuse
>(1996, Sept.). The data (Table 1) in the report indicates that "the
>differences between the sexually abused group and the control group in the
>offs of arrest for any sex crime or for rape or sodomy separately were not
>statistically significant." The sexually abused were, however,
>significantly more likely to have been arrested for prostitution.
>
> In this report, a review of 23 retrospective studies, 2 prospective
>studies, and 4 review articles, the conclusions included: most sex
>offenders had not been sexually abused as a child; the majority of victims
>of child sex abuse do not grow up to be sex offenders, and "the evidence
>from these studies was insufficient to establish that being sexually abused
>as a child is either a necessary or a sufficient condition for the victim's
>becoming a sexual abuser as an adult." (p.5)
>
> The concern about the abused becoming offenders seems to be a part of the
>folklore surrounding the sex abuse hysteria of the last 15 to 20 years.
>
>Tom Oellerich
>Dept. of Social Work
>Ohio University
>Athens OH
>
>At 11:51 AM 3/1/99 -0600, you wrote:
>>At 05:09 PM 2/25/99 EST, you wrote:
>>>I have not read the CASA report and I am not familiar with their
>>>findings, but regarding your question about the association of
>>>childhood victimization and adult offending there is evidence
>>>to consider. Cathy Widom is well known for her prospective study
>>>examining various forms of childhood victimization and later adult
>>>offenses. I don't have the citations at the moment but I'm sure
>>>you all have them or can find them. Widom found a small effect
>>>of physical abuse and neglect on later violent offending, but as
>>>for sexual abuse...there was no relation to adult sexual offending.
>>
>>I'm not sure this is an appropriate characterization of Widom's findings.
>>I'm referring specifically to "Criminal Consequences of Childhood Sexual
>>Victimization" in Child Abuse & Neglect 18(4). In this study, Widom found
>>that sexual abuse victims were 4.7 times as likely to be arrested for "any
>>sex crime" (including incest, child molestation, rape, sodomy, assault and
>>battery with intent to gratify, among others) when compared with controls.
>>Physical abuse and neglect were also associated with this outcome.
>>Physical abuse, but not sexual abuse, was significantly associated with an
>>adult arrest for "rape or sodomy." From these findings she speculates that
>>"the criminogenic effect associated with sexual offending may not result
>>from sexual abuse uniquely, but rather may be associated with the trauma
>>and stress of these early childhood experiences or society's response to
>>the event" (313).
>>
>>The claim that there is no "sexual cycle of violence" should not be
>>interpreted to mean that sexual abuse is not associated with adult sexual
>>offending. Rather, Widom's evidence suggests (to her) that the mechanism
>>linking sexual abuse with adult sexual offending does not produce uniquely
>>severe or distinct outcomes when compared with other forms of maltreatment.
>> This finding indicates that we may not need a specific theory of the
>>effects of sexual abuse. Sexual abuse, physical abuse, and neglect may be
>>theoretically equivalent in terms of their impact, pointing to the
>>possibility of developing a more powerful general theory of the effects of
>>maltreatment.
>>
>>I agree, however, that it is far too early to make any strong claims
>>regarding the pattern of empirical association between maltreatment
>>experiences and the subsequent likelihood of adult sexual offending.
>>
>>Chris Browning
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>>At a conference I asked Widom about this issue, to which she
>>>responded that there appears to be no sexual cycle of violence.
>>>A couple of years ago there was a GAO report examining the sexual
>>>cycle of violence, which examined Widom's data, data from Linda Williams,
>>>and some other data, and their conclusion as well was that there is
>>>no support for the idea of a sexual cycle of violence.
>>>
>>>For clinicians, of course, it is possible to have a preponderance of
clients
>>>who have experienced abuse and report abusing others. However, the
>>>clinician must remember that there are distinct selection biases at work
>>>in determining which types of people come to you (or are brought to you)
>>>for treatment. For some individuals, childhood sexual abuse may be a
>>>factor in later sexual offenses. But for the general population,
>>>this does not appear to be a risk factor.
>>>
>>>
>>>Evan R. Harrington, Ph.D.
>>>
>>>
>>*****************************************
>>
>>Christopher R. Browning
>>NICHD Postdoctoral Fellow
>>Population Research Center
>>NORC and The University of Chicago
>>1155 E. 60th Street
>>Chicago, IL 60637
>>
>>Phone: 773/256-6299
>>Email: cbrow@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
>>
>>*****************************************
>>
>
>
*****************************************
Christopher R. Browning
NICHD Postdoctoral Fellow
Population Research Center
NORC and The University of Chicago
1155 E. 60th Street
Chicago, IL 60637
Phone: 773/256-6299
Email: cbrow@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
*****************************************
[ Home |
About NDACAN | Datasets |
User Support |
Contribute Data |
Summer Research Institute ]
[ CMRL List Serve | Bibliography
| Measures Index |
Useful Links | Search ]
Copyright © 1996-2012 National Data Archive on Child Abuse and Neglect